The Company You Keep

Not rated yet!
Director
Robert Redford
Runtime
2 h 01 min
Release Date
6 September 2012
Genres
Drama, Thriller
Overview
A former Weather Underground activist goes on the run from a journalist who discovers his identity.
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  • Film Review: The Company You Keep
    PJ Media The Company You Keep, Robert Redford’s valentine to aging former members of the Weather Underground, opens this week in New York and Los Angeles. I’ve seen it so you don’t have to. Ed Driscoll, Michelle Malkin, Scott Johnson, and Jonathan Tobin have done an excellent job criticizing the politics of the film; this post is intended to provide a consumer alert about its cinematic merits.The 76-year-old Redford plays a small-town lawyer with an eleven-year-old daughter and an undisclosed past: he was part of the radical group that robbed a bank in the 1970s and killed a guard. He goes on the run after his identity is disclosed by a reporter.The notable actors, like the characters they portray, have seen better days. They deliver paeans about the way they were, while Redford runs about trying to clear his name (since he may not have been guilty of this particular crime, and further, these days he loves his daughter). In the Sony Pictures Classics press kit, Redford says:For me [the film] was a bit like Les Misérables, with the character Jean Valjean sentenced to nineteen years for a loaf of bread.The movie is not a bit like Les Misérables. It might be a bit like Les Misérables if Jean Valjean had been wanted for murder rather than bread-theft. Or had Valjean looked like Robert Redford on a good day, rather than Hugh Jackman after serving on a slave ship and spending two decades in jail; and if Valjean had ultimately been protected by a "conscience-stricken" reporter who decided to toss his further story after Redford lectures him about the importance of keeping secrets:Secrets are dangerous things, Ben. We all think we want to know them. But if you've ever kept one yourself then you understand to do so is not just knowing something about someone else, it's discovering something about yourself.Such a message Inspector Javert would probably have found a bit unconvincing had it come from Jean Valjean. Similarly, a journalist would probably find it a bit presumptuous coming from someone who is a fugitive rather than just a source. The rest of us would consider it extraordinarily trite, even if delivered by Redford as if it were literature.In an unintentionally funny scene, Redford shows up at a Midwestern university to search for a former Weather comrade who is now a respected history professor: the professor may know where Redford can find Julie Christie’s character. Redford sits in the back of the class in his disguise (consisting of a baseball cap pulled low over his forehead, so he won’t stand out as an old man in a college class who looks like Robert Redford).He watches as the professor regales the class with the insights of … Karl Marx.The professor is shocked to see Redford -- he might blow the professor’s own disguise! The scene is played without any sense of awareness that colleges are the safe houses for most old leftists, hiding in plain sight while mis-educating their debt-burdened students (who pay their salaries) about the evils of capitalism. Heck, you can even have killed two police officers and a Brink’s guard during a robbery and get a job as a professor teaching “restorative justice” at Columbia. class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/blog/film-review-the-company-you-keep/ previous Page 1 of 2 next   ]]>
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  • Aging Wealthy One Percenter Celebrates Reactionary Establishment
    Ed Driscoll Robert Redford's pro-Weathermen The Company You Keep is likely now playing at an "art theater" near you; as Kathy Shaidle writes in her take on the film, in its own way, Redford's production charts how the Weathermen have gone from being on the lam, running from the Establishment, to becoming the Establishment themselves, yet another reminder of early Saturday Night Live writer Anne Beatts' famous observation that you can only be avant-garde for so long before you become garde:As I joked in 2012, that fictional premise is a stark contrast from the fates of all the real Weather Underground terrorists who now teach at major universities, hang out with the president, get lovingly profiled in The New York Times and elsewhere—do everything except disguise their identities and hide from the authorities.Hell, they are the authorities.Just a reminder: Unrepentant Weatherman bomber Bill “Kill Your Parents” Ayers is a highly respected “educator” and a longtime associate of Barack Obama; members of the Weather Underground and other Aquarian terrorists such as Ayers’s wife Bernardine Dohrn, Eleanor Raskin, and Kathleen Cleaver teach at various American law schools, even though not all of them have law degrees.Weatherman co-founder Jeff Jones, who—don’t you hate when this happens?—”was unexpectedly caught up in a police sweep of individuals suspected of participating in the deadly robbery of an armored truck”—now runs a coalition of labor and environmentalist groups called the Apollo Alliance “and was responsible for drafting President Obama’s 2009 Recovery Act.”I was going to type “write your own joke,” but then I stumbled upon this:Addressing those in attendance [at the 1969 Chicago rally], Jones claimed to be the living embodiment of Marion Delgado, a Chicano boy who, at the age of 5, had placed a slab of concrete on a railroad track and derailed a passenger train in California 22 years earlier. Though Delgado had never intended to cause such a tragedy, Jones and his fellow leftists revered the boy’s act for its symbolic value….Just as publicity for The Company You Keep was revving up, another convicted Weather Underground felon, Kathy Boudin, was appointed an adjunct professor of social work at Columbia University. Boudin served 22 years for her role in that 1981 Brinks truck robbery that left three dead, got Jeff Jones “unexpectedly caught up”—and which inspired the backstory of Redford’s new movie.Surely not a few impeccably degreed and rap-sheet-free young graduates are wondering right about now, “Who do you have to blow up to get a job around here?”Actually, quite a bit, as Jonah Goldberg wrote in Liberal Fascism:Many of us forget that the Weather Underground bombing campaign was not a matter of a few isolated incidents. From September 1969 to May 1970, Rudd and his co-revolutionaries on the white radical left committed about 250 attacks, or almost one terrorist bombing a day (government estimates put that number much higher). During the summer of 1970, there were twenty bombings a week in California. The bombings were the backbeat to the symphony of violence, much of it rhetorical, that set the score for the New Left in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Rudd captured the tone perfectly: “It’s a wonderful feeling to hit a pig. It must be a really wonderful feeling to kill a pig or blow up a building.” [Mark Rudd is now is now "a math teacher at a community college in Albuquerque, New Mexico," Jonah adds elsewhere -- Ed] “The real division is not between people who support bombings and people who don’t,” explained a secret member of a “bombing collective,” but “between people who will do them and people who are too hung up on their own privileges and security to take those risks.”Ultimately, the notion that "The Weathermen were fighting for peace" is just one of "The 4 Most Outrageous Lies in Robert Redford’s New Pro-Terrorist Movie," John Boot writes at the PJ Lifestyle blog:The Company You Keep begins with a montage of real news clips (and a fake one) edited together to tell the story that the Weather Underground grew out of the antiwar group Students for a Democratic Society and that its activities were meant to end the Vietnam War by “bringing the war home.” Nonsense. The Weathermen loved war and wanted more of it. They were a murderous group of Black Power and Marxist revolutionaries bent on the violent overthrow of the United States. After the 1970 accidental explosion that killed several terrorists who blew themselves up with their own bombs in a downtown New York City townhouse, the true intent of the bombs was revealed: They were meant to be used to blow up a library on the campus of Columbia University. Not exactly a military target.Naturally, Rolling Stone gives Redford's film three out of four stars. You younger readers might not remember this, but there was a time when the magazine praised songs seeking non-violent solutions to problems such as "Give Peace a Chance."* But that was before Rolling Stone became The Establishment themselves.* That were often written by people who'd rather you forget that they supported some rather blood-thirsty causes themselves, of course. class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2013/4/11/one-percenter-celebrates-establishment/ ]]>
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  • The 4 Most Outrageous Lies in Robert Redford's New Pro-Terrorist Movie
    Lifestyle var dataLayer = window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; dataLayer.push({ 'videoName': '', 'videoType': 'Curated' }); In The Company You Keep, Robert Redford stars in as well as directs a story of an ex-Weather Underground radical who has been living quietly as a public-interest lawyer in upstate New York for more than 30 years. His true identity is discovered by an annoying reporter (Shia LaBeouf) after the apprehension of one of his co-conspirators (Susan Sarandon), who was one of four terrorists who robbed a bank and murdered several security guards in the process.Redford, that noted “liberal activist,” shows where his sympathies truly are. This is a movie that argues:1. The Weathermen were fighting for peace.The Company You Keep begins with a montage of real news clips (and a fake one) edited together to tell the story that the Weather Underground grew out of the antiwar group Students for a Democratic Society and that its activities were meant to end the Vietnam War by “bringing the war home.” Nonsense. The Weathermen loved war and wanted more of it. They were a murderous group of Black Power and Marxist revolutionaries bent on the violent overthrow of the United States. After the 1970 accidental explosion that killed several terrorists who blew themselves up with their own bombs in a downtown New York City townhouse, the true intent of the bombs was revealed: They were meant to be used to blow up a library on the campus of Columbia University. Not exactly a military target. class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/lifestyle/2013/4/7/the-4-most-outrageous-lies-in-robert-redfords-new-pro-terrorist-movie/ previous Page 1 of 4 next   ]]>
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  • Two Redfords In One
    Ed Driscoll “Actor-director Robert Redford used his opening address at the Sundance film festival last night to add to the pressure on Hollywood to rein in its depiction of gun violence in the wake of the Newtown school massacre,” the London Guardian reported in January.The Guardian failed to mention that Redford’s next film, due out in American theaters early next month, is a homage to Bill Ayers and the Weather Underground. When it played the Venice Film Festival in September, Time magazine gave it a boffo review: “Robert Redford’s The Company You Keep: Old Radicals Die Hard”:For how many decades of your life do you have to be the person you were in your twenties? Small-town lawyer Jim Grant (Robert Redford) wonders that when he hears the news that Susan Solarz (Susan Sarandon), a long-ago member of the Weather Underground who has lived incognito as a quiet housewife and mother, had been arrested and charged with murder for her radical activities in the ’70s. For Jim, the question is not academic. Under his real name, Nick Sloan, he had been one of Solarz’s comrades in the bombings of government buildings at exactly that period when political idealism soured into potentially lethal criminality.This film sounds like the bomb!*Time’s review adds, “The Company You Keep is streaked with melancholy: a disappointment that the second American Revolution never came…” I wonder if Time realizes the implications of those words, even as employees of Time-Warner-CNN-HBO continuously attack those Americans who would seek to defend themselves if it ever did.Fortunately, to borrow a phrase used by one of Ayers’ acquaintances, Michelle Malkin and Sean Hannity rhetorically punch back twice as hard at Redford’s moral equivalency; watch the video at The Right Scoop.More after the page break. class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2013/3/28/two-redfords-in-one/ previous Page 1 of 2 next   ]]>
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  • Asleep in Hollywood
    Ed Driscoll My wife and I watched Casablanca at the movie theater in San Jose's Santana Row Wednesday night; there was a pretty good-sized crowd in the theater joining us. (We saw the revival of West Side Story at the same theater a couple of weeks ago; Homer Simpson could have counted the audience on his fingers.)In 1992, as part of the film’s 50th anniversary, Roger Ebert, who passed away yesterday, penned a beautifully written take on Casablanca, in which he wrote, “There are greater movies. More profound movies. Movies of greater artistic vision or artistic originality or political significance. There are other titles we would put above it on our lists of the best films of all time.” Nonetheless, for Ebert,  “It is The Movie:”Movies are, in a sense, immortal. It is likely that people will be watching "Casablanca" centuries from now (and how wonderful it would be if we could see movies from centuries ago). In another sense, however, movies are fragile. They live on long flexible strips of celluloid, which fade, and tear, and collect scratches everytime they travel through a movie projector. And sometimes films burn, or disintegrate into dust.There’s another element about moviemaking that’s fragile as well: the culture that makes them. Casablanca was filmed in the summer of 1942, when World War II could have gone either way; the meat grinder battle of Stalingrad, which in retrospect sealed the Nazis’ fate, didn’t begin until after filming was complete.The Hollywood culture that made Casablanca would age rather poorly and exhaust themselves in another kind of battle; in his 2009 interview with Peter Robinson, the late Andrew Breitbart chided the aging conservative executives who created the industry for handing it over to the cultural left without a fight in the late 1960s, as the book and accompanying documentary Easy Riders, Raging Bulls explores: var dataLayer = window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; dataLayer.push({ 'videoName': '', 'videoType': 'Curated' }); 30 years prior though, in May of 1939 even before WWII had officially begun in Europe, a tough and confident Warner Brothers released Confessions of a Nazi Spy, starring WB vet and Edward G. Robinson, and “considered the first anti-Nazi film produced by a major studio,” according to Turner Classic Movies. In 1942, the studio made Casablanca.Warner Brothers is now but one cog in a conglomerate whose TV news network looks at dictators ranging from Saddam Hussein to Fidel Castro to Kim-Jong Il, repeatedly shrugs its shoulders and says, “meh.” (When it’s not openly embracing them.) Time, the pioneering news magazine that’s now just another component of that conglomerate was founded 90 years ago with the goal (in addition to turning a profit, of course) of allowing small town Americans to better themselves by having a concise update on the week’s events. (The magazine's name was chosen by founder Henry Luce because it implied both the timeliness of its contents, and the ability to save its readers’ time.)  Since Luce’s retirement and death in the mid-1960s, his would-be successors at the magazine have consistently looked at its original core readers as The Other, this strange group of unknown readers out there somewhere in the hinterlands.In the film Casablanca, the back story for Humphrey Bogart’s Rick Blaine character implies that like many Americans, he was broke at the start of the Depression, took to a variety of unsavory socialist jobs afterwards, before hiding out in Casablanca and starting his saloon. With America on the eve of World War II -- significantly, there's a close-up insert shot of a credit voucher Rick signs early in the film, which is dated December 2, 1941, only a few days before Imperial Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor -- he emerges from his moral stupor to fight totalitarianism, beginning with this utterance to Sam, his faithful piano player:Rick: If it's December 1941 in Casablanca, what time is it in New York?Sam: What? My watch stopped.Rick: I'd bet they're asleep in New York. I'd bet they're asleep all over America.Hollywood went back to sleep long ago. Today, Robert Redford, who at the peak of his career, had the matinee idol box office clout of Humphrey Bogart, and is still capable of having his pet projects green-lit and funded, is making films in praise of a very different wartime American than Bogie’s Rick. The same theater in San Jose that showed Casablanca this week, will be showing Redford's pro-Weathermen The Company You Keep beginning the end of this coming week. I'm glad there's a week and a half space between the two films; too close would risk cultural whiplash. class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2013/4/5/asleep-in-hollywood/ previous Page 1 of 2 next   ]]>
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  • Interview: Humberto Fontova on the MSM's Love for Fidel Castro
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    Ed Driscoll Considering that Dan Rather's shameful acts during the 2004 presidential election gave PJ Media its original name, I shouldn't be astonished, but even at this late date, it's still pretty amazing to think that a man who once held himself out as a quote-unquote “objective” journalist would say of Fidel Castro that he’s “Cuba's own Elvis.”That's just one of the many radical chic romances the MSM and Hollywood still have for Castro and his socialist prison island, as veteran author, columnist and PJM contributor Humberto Fontova tells me today, quoting from his latest book, The Longest Romance: The Mainstream Media and Fidel Castro. During our interview, Humberto will discuss:● When Ernest Hemingway viewed Che Guevara’s execution squads personally.● How did The Godfather Part II become the MSM's go-to guide for pre-Castro Cuba?● Which film did Robert Redford present to Fidel Castro and the widow of Che Guevara in a private showing?● What is Cuba’s  “Military-Tourism Complex”?● What is Fontova's take on Diana Nyad, who recently successfully swam from Cuba to Florida?And much more. Click here to listen:(18 minutes long; 16.5 MB file size. Want to download instead of streaming? Right click here to download this interview to your hard drive. Or right click here to download the 3.10 MB lo-fi edition.)If the above Flash audio player is not be compatible with your browser, click on the video player below, or click here to be taken directly to YouTube, for an audio-only YouTube clip. Between one of those versions, you should find a format that plays on your system. var dataLayer = window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; dataLayer.push({ 'videoName': 'Audio Interview: Humberto Fontova on the MSM and Fidel Castro', 'videoType': 'Curated' }); Transcript of our interview begins on the following page; for our many previous podcasts, start here and keep scrolling.$(document).ready(function() { $('.audio-video-player').mediaelementplayer();}); class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2013/10/14/fontova-on-msm-and-castro/ previous Page 1 of 5 next   ]]>
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  • Robert Redford Picked the Wrong Week to Quit Sniffing Glue
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    Ed Driscoll In 2001, when it was announced that Will Smith would be playing Muhammad Ali in a film directed by Michael Mann, this seemed like perfect casting. If anybody could portray Ali, it was the equally charismatic Smith, then at the peak of his career. Unfortunately, this was a case of the right actor in the wrong movie, at the wrong time. The film was released in late 2001, after 9/11, and after American troops first rolled into Afghanistan. As John Podhoretz wrote in January of 2002, Mann wasn't interested in Ali the superstar boxer who was made for television, he was interested in Ali's radical politics during the Vietnam War, and the timing and the lugubrious, inert feel of what should have an exercise in kinetic filmmaking sunk the movie at the box office:It's conceivable that the movie has failed because it's a stiff. But moviegoers wouldn't have known that in the first weekend of its release, and with Will Smith's name above the title, it should have made at least $30 million. It made half that. Why?Simple. Ali is a mostly worshipful movie about an American icon who converted to Islam — or rather, Elijah Muhammad's bizarre riff on Islam — and then proceeded to dodge the draft while making speeches about how he had no argument with the people who were killing tens of thousands of young Americans in Southeast Asia.You can perhaps see how uncomfortable this story would make American audiences these days. In 1975, Ali himself starred in a fictionalized version of his own life called The Greatest. Ali was charming and funny in The Greatest in a warts-and-all portrait that showed him being a selfish jerk with at least one of his wives. What The Greatest did not do was turn Ali into a political icon.A wise move. As a political icon, Muhammad Ali is as much of a dud as the movie about him.A movie that dwelled on the comic aspects of his life — that would have used Will Smith's own natural energy and likability to its utmost — might have been a triumph. But such a movie wouldn't have satisfied Michael Mann's hunger to Be Important.Memo to Hollywood: Draft-dodging Muslims are out. A movie with a Muslim war hero — now that might make a fortune.Of course, Hollywood would spend the next seven years doing its damnedest to destroy America's morale in the wake of 9/11. This was partly because they hated Dubya, and as Daniel Henninger has written, for many on the left, their most intense day during that period wasn't 9/11, but a year earlier, when Al Gore lost the recall election to GWB, partly because of the nostalgic left wanting to relive the glory days of their protests against LBJ, Nixon, and fighting communism in Vietnam.Which brings us to this infamous moment by Robert Redford, while promoting The Company You Keep, his new film embracing the Weather Underground:$(document).ready(function() { $('.audio-video-player').mediaelementplayer();});As Scott Whitlock of Newsbusters summarizes:George Stephanopoulos was so enthusiastic towards Robert Redford and his sympathetic new film about an ex-1960s radical that the actor enthused, "You ought to get on the marketing team!" The aging actor/director appeared on Tuesday's Good Morning America and endorsed the violent actions of protest groups. Reminiscing on his own past, the liberal Hollywood star recounted, "When I was younger, I was very much aware of the movement. I was more than sympathetic, I was probably empathetic because I believed it was time for a change."After Stephanopoulos wondered, "Even when you read about bombings," Redford responded, "All of it. I knew that it was extreme and I guess movements have to be extreme to some degree.It's pretty rare for someone to drop the mask and admit that he's cool with terrorist bombings; at Front Page, Bosch Fawstin explores "Robert Redford’s Terrorist Heroes:"“ALL OF IT,” said Robert Redford, when asked if he supported the bombings by The Weather Underground.Redford came out for terrorism on a mainstream morning television show in an interview with democrat-operative-leftist-hack George Stephanopoulos, who was slobbering over Redford’s pro-terrorist movie, The Company You Keep. I drew my illustration of Redford, below, days ago, and I wonder if he’s for the terrorist attack in Boston today. Or maybe he wants to wait and see if it’s leftist terrorists before he decides he’s all for it. Below is a list of what Robert Redford was for, via Sean Hannity on FOX News.The Weather Underground’s history of terrorism consisted of:1970: SFPD Bombing (1 Killed)1970: NYPD Bombing (7 Hurt)1970: NYC Explosion (3 Killed)1971-72: Capital & Pentagon Attacked1981: Armed Robbery (3 Killed)(As John Boot at PJ Media notes: The Vietnam War, of course, had been over for years, [by 1981] which gives the lie to the film’s claim that the Southeast Asia conflict was anything but a pretext for the terrorist network.)Fortunately, Redford really did his homework, thoroughly immersing himself in the history of that intense and convoluted period before the cameras rolled:[A]t a recent press junket, Redford emphasized that he didn’t do much research beside watching Siegel’s documentary.“I didn’t feel I needed to, because I saw a documentary several years ago that came to the festival called the ‘Weather Underground,’” Redford said. “I felt that that documentary was very well made about the actual people ... I felt I had a thorough description of them from the film.”Redford's film is now playing in an environment where real terrorism is front and center in the news. On Twitter, Bill Hobbs speculates:Gonna be hard for liberal film critics to praise Redford's pro-terrorist bombers movie "The Company You Keep" after Boston. But they will.— Bill Hobbs (@billhobbs) April 19, 2013Of course they will. As Kathy Shaidle likes to say, so much of "liberalism" boils down to "It's different, when we do it." This might be the ultimate case. Still, kudos to Redford for revealing his inner liberal fascist on national television.Related: Speaking of the Company You Keep, "New York Times shows sympathy for Boston terrorist suspects," as spotted by the Daily Caller, who finds the Times attempting to brand the suspects as just average Joes, slacker kids "Far From War-Torn Homeland, Trying to Fit In"; "Brothers Seen as Good Students and Avid Athletes."Why, it's almost as if, from the top down, the Gray Lady is pretty cool with this whole radical chic thing themselves.Nahh. Can't be.More: "A Short History Lesson for the Media on American Domestic Terrorism."One More:I guess Redford has his sequel, "The Company You Keep 2: Chechnyan Renegade Boogaloo."— GregGutfeld (@greggutfeld) April 20, 2013Heh, indeed.™ class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2013/4/19/robert-redford-picked-the-wrong-week-to-quit-sniffing-glue/ ]]>
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  • Bill Ayers: Our Terrorism was Totally Different From Their Terrorism
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    Ed Driscoll Totally, you guys:Left-wing radical Bill Ayers, a longtime friend of President Barack Obama, recently defended the series of bombings that he carried out as a member of the Weather Underground, saying that his bombings were not like the Boston Marathon attack and that America is the most violent country that has ever been created.Ayers — who participated in a series of anti-Vietnam War bombings in the early 1970s including an attack on New York City police department headquarters and the Pentagon — answered an Akron Beacon Journal reporter’s questions after giving a keynote speech at an event commemorating the anniversary of the 1970 Kent State National Guard shootings.Ayers said that there is no equivalence between his bombings and the deadly bombings that rocked the Boston Marathon.“What I did was some destruction of property to issue a scream and cry against an illegal war in which 6,000 people a week are being killed,” Ayers said.Ayers reportedly said that the United States is the most violent country that has ever been created, and said that Republican Senator and Vietnam War hero John McCain committed daily war crimes.“Six thousand a week being killed and I destroyed some property. Show me the equivalence. You should ask John McCain that question … I’m against violence,” Ayers said.Well, the Weathermen certainly had a funny way of expressing their pacifism back then.  These days, we tend to remember the Weathermen solely for the Pentagon incident (particularly after the New York Times' fawning profile of Ayers that ran, with horrible synchronicity, on September 11th, 2001), and the botched Fort Dix bomb, but according to Jonah Goldberg in Liberal Fascism, they were remarkably active in the late '60s and early '70s:Many of us forget that the Weather Underground bombing campaign was not a matter of a few isolated incidents. From September 1969 to May 1970, Rudd and his co-revolutionaries on the white radical left committed about 250 attacks, or almost one terrorist bombing a day (government estimates put that number much higher). During the summer of 1970, there were twenty bombings a week in California. The bombings were the backbeat to the symphony of violence, much of it rhetorical, that set the score for the New Left in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Rudd captured the tone perfectly: “It’s a wonderful feeling to hit a pig. It must be a really wonderful feeling to kill a pig or blow up a building.” [Mark Rudd is now is now "a math teacher at a community college in Albuquerque, New Mexico," Jonah adds elsewhere -- Ed] “The real division is not between people who support bombings and people who don’t,” explained a secret member of a “bombing collective,” but “between people who will do them and people who are too hung up on their own privileges and security to take those risks.”Wikipedia has a page titled "List of Weatherman Actions." It's certainly extensive; it may even be accurate.At Hot Air today, Allahpundit adds, "Good news from Bill Ayers: My terrorism was nothing like the terrorism in Boston:"The Tsarnaevs wanted to kill people, whereas the Weather Underground mostly wanted to blow up property except for that time they built nail bombs to kill soldiers at a dance at Fort Dix but ended up blowing themselves up instead. Oh, and the time they probably killed a cop in San Francisco and wounded nine others. There’s the big distinction.Two mild surprises here. One: Ayers doesn’t attempt to defend the Tsarnaevs’ motive, even though it was anti-war of a sort. This is a prime opportunity to lecture about “blowback” by the oppressed people of the Muslim world who object to U.S. imperialism, etc etc etc, even while condemning the tactics, but he doesn’t take it. Maybe the politics of defending the Tsarnaevs, however mildly, are too toxic even for him. Two: Almost 50 years later, he’s still looking for ways to defend the Weathermen’s tactics even though he loses more than he gains by it. You would think he’d regret setting bombs, even “just” to destroy property, if only because it made it easier for hawks at the time to discredit the wider left as radicals and terrorists. Nope.Regarding those who would lionize such tactics, Jason Mattera asks the questions the MSM refused to when they gave Robert Redford's new film an extensive tongue bath: var dataLayer = window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; dataLayer.push({ 'videoName': 'Robert Redford, the Terrorist Sympathizer', 'videoType': 'Curated' }); In his review of Redford's pro-Weathermen movie (which he grades as a "B" -- insert your own jokes here), Burlington (NJ) County Times film critic Lou Gaul writes:Redford, who earned an Oscar as best director for “Ordinary People” (1980), obviously wanted to tell this cautionary story, and his limited production budget of $2 million caused the film to look more like a cable movie than a major motion picture.Thanks to his filmmaking status, Redford was able to attract top talents willing to work for much less than their usual salaries to be part of the ensemble. They include Susan Sarandon, Stanley Tucci, Anna Kendrick, Terrence Howard, Chris Cooper, Brit Marling, Richard Jenkins, Brendan Gleeson, Julie Christie and Nick Nolte.A throwback film, “The Company You Keep” provides a welcome twist at the end and enough political ideas to generate post-screening discussions.Funny though, as Ed Morrissey writes, linking to Mattera's new video, "Hey, didn’t Redford make The Company You Keep to start a 'conversation'? Looks like Redford isn’t interested in conversing these days." Well, it depends on who he's conversing with. Compare the inconvenient truths Mattera asks with this "interview:"$(document).ready(function() { $('.audio-video-player').mediaelementplayer();});Though to be fair, fellow leftist George Stephanopoulos was at least able to get this moment on record:Reminiscing on his own past, the liberal Hollywood star recounted, “When I was younger, I was very much aware of the movement. I was more than sympathetic, I was probably empathetic because I believed it was time for a change.”After Stephanopoulos wondered, “Even when you read about bombings,” Redford responded, “All of it. I knew that it was extreme and I guess movements have to be extreme to some degree.If the budget of The Company You Keep was indeed two million dollars, as Gaul wrote in his review, then it's turned a profit at the box office; though a very small one. I don't think Redford's going to keep up the payments on his environmentally correct estate on its royalties, however: var dataLayer = window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; dataLayer.push({ 'videoName': 'Robert Redford Hypocrite', 'videoType': 'Curated' }); Oh, and speaking of "the company you keep," at the end of a lengthy round-up of Ayers' recent appearance in the news, Jim Geraghty adds the Obama connection:Ayers recently elaborated on his relationship with Barack Obama and his political allies earlier in life:David Axelrod said we were friendly, that was true; we served on a couple of boards together, that was true; he held a fundraiser in our living room, that was true; Michelle [Obama] and Bernardine were at the law firm together, that was true. Hyde Park in Chicago is a tiny neighborhood, so when he said I was “a guy around the neighborhood,” that was true.As Ben Smith summarized:Ayers and Dohrn, who have been semi-officially rehabilitated in Chicago but still inspire a wide range of feelings, played a modest but real part in launching Obama’s political career.Fancy that: Even Obama flack Ben Smith can airbrush Ayers' Obama connection away through sufficient Bensmithing.Finally, some food for thought as an exit quote:"You need to find a way to live your life, that it doesn't make a mockery of your values." - Bill Ayers— Great Minds Quotes (@GreatestQuotes) August 19, 2012Great minds, indeed. class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2013/5/6/otally-different-from-their-terrorism/ ]]>
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  • Robert Redford: 'How He Kept His Radical Edge'
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    Ed Driscoll Bad timing for a headline at the Internet Movie Database this past Saturday:How he kept his radical edgeRobert Redford plays an ageing anti-war activist in his latest movie, The Company You Keep – just one more incarnation in an ever-changing imageRobert Redford's new film sees the Hollywood liberal play a craggy radical, hiding away from a criminally subversive past under an assumed name. Once the FBI rumbles him, the agents on his trail spend some time comparing the image of his lined face to that of his much younger, 1970s, moustachioed self.Cinema audiences across the world have travelled down that same long, ageing trail with Redford too, watching as his luminous youth in the role of Bubber in the 1966 film The Chase was gradually replaced, first by the poised cynicism of The Candidate and then by the stately leading man in Out of Africa or the worn-out sleaze of his Indecent Proposal to Demi Moore. Yet, as a man, Redford's radical zeal remains undimmed.See full article at The Guardian - Film News »Shouldn't Hollywood leftists be toning down the "radical zeal"? Especially in light of this item from Larry O'Connor at Big Journalism: "Scarborough Only Blames 'Radicalism' For Boston Terror, Not Radical Islamism":In an effort to cut against the excrutiatingly politically correct mindset on his home at MSNBC, Joe Scarborough mocked left-wing analysts who spent the weekend looking inward at America for possible motives behind the Boston marathon terror attacks.Citing a column by Kevin Cullen, Scarborough said:"Before you engage in the whole why do they hate us clap-trap, let's just talk about the fact that these guys were evil. They were beasts. And guess what? It wasn't our fault that they put a bomb at the feet of an eight-year-old boy."So far so good. But then, Scarborough can't shed the PC shackles enough to take the extra, logical step of pointing to the leading cause of terror attacks in the world today. He uses the watered down "radicalism" as a catch-all to encompass all radical ideas under one umbrella, as if "radicalism" is the biggest threat in our society. He just can't bring himself to point out the significant fact that the terrorists were hugely influenced by radical Islamism.  "Don't blame society for that. Blame radicalism, blame evil, blame them (the Tsaraev brothers.)"But it's not like Redford would support terrorist bombings, would he?$(document).ready(function() { $('.audio-video-player').mediaelementplayer();});Scott Whitlock of Newsbusters summarized Redford's appearance with fellow Democrat George Stephanopoulos on April 2nd:George Stephanopoulos was so enthusiastic towards Robert Redford and his sympathetic new film about an ex-1960s radical that the actor enthused, "You ought to get on the marketing team!" The aging actor/director appeared on Tuesday's Good Morning America and endorsed the violent actions of protest groups. Reminiscing on his own past, the liberal Hollywood star recounted, "When I was younger, I was very much aware of the movement. I was more than sympathetic, I was probably empathetic because I believed it was time for a change."After Stephanopoulos wondered, "Even when you read about bombings," Redford responded, "All of it. I knew that it was extreme and I guess movements have to be extreme to some degree.As I mentioned last week, it's pretty rare for someone to drop the mask and admit that he's cool with terrorist bombings; at Front Page, Bosch Fawstin explores "Robert Redford’s Terrorist Heroes":“ALL OF IT,” said Robert Redford, when asked if he supported the bombings by The Weather Underground.Redford came out for terrorism on a mainstream morning television show in an interview with democrat-operative-leftist-hack George Stephanopoulos, who was slobbering over Redford’s pro-terrorist movie, The Company You Keep. I drew my illustration of Redford, below, days ago, and I wonder if he’s for the terrorist attack in Boston today. Or maybe he wants to wait and see if it’s leftist terrorists before he decides he’s all for it. Below is a list of what Robert Redford was for, via Sean Hannity on FOX News.The Weather Underground’s history of terrorism consisted of:1970: SFPD Bombing (1 Killed)1970: NYPD Bombing (7 Hurt)1970: NYC Explosion (3 Killed)1971-72: Capital & Pentagon Attacked1981: Armed Robbery (3 Killed)(As John Boot at PJ Media notes: The Vietnam War, of course, had been over for years, [by 1981] which gives the lie to the film’s claim that the Southeast Asia conflict was anything but a pretext for the terrorist network.)In their effort to give the aging Redford the full radical chic treatment, the Guardian profile the IMDB links can't be bothered to notice the cognitive dissonance between lines such as this: "Redford is aligned with the anti-gun lobby in Hollywood, questioning the level of violence in entertainment," and Redford's pro-terrorism statements, such as this, only a couple of short paragraphs later in the same article:The Company You Keep, based on the novel by Neil Gordon, has so far won two awards from the Venice Film Festival and is a hard look back at the radical era that made Redford. As a young actor in the late 1960s, he followed the leftwing organisation Weather Underground, founded on the University of Michigan campus with the express aim of overthrowing the American government."I supported their cause because I also thought the Vietnam war, just like the Iraq war, was built and sold on a faulty premise," Redford has said. He saw the risks members took and watched the movement destroy itself. "I thought, 'Gee, there's quite a story in this. I don't think it's a story I want to tell right now', he has recalled.Journalists who interview Hollywood celebrities rarely ask tough questions, for fear of being tossed off the gravy train of easy access to stars. Will any reporters have the guts to ask Redford his take on the Boston bombers, and the rights of those people who were terrorized by them, both during their initial blasts and when the terrorists tried to escape the authorities later in the week?(Incidentally, Redford's embrace of radical chic in his dotage -- and all of the hype the sympathetic MSM have given this film isn't exactly giving him the edge at the box office.)Related: "TMZ Targets Model for Donning Dress Decorated with Guns" -- why are they giving model Karolina Kurkova grief, and not a superstar actor/director who is espousing pro-terrorist views? Or to reverse the equation, if Redford -- and, as Christian Toto notes at Big Hollywood -- anybody who wears a Che T-shirt gets a pass, why not Kurkova as well?More: From Ace, "The Passive-Aggressive Voice: Newest Narrative From the Left and Media (But I Repeat Myself): It Was 'Society' to Blame, By Which is Meant Us":The left considers itself outside society, a critic apart from it, above it, superior to it, as a teacher is above and superior to his students. So any mention of "society" is an attempt to put blame on others. And the "we/us" language is the Accusatory version of the pronoun; they don't mean they themselves.Have you ever heard someone on the left specifically take responsibility for such a horror? The left could say, for example, "Perhaps by promoting terrorists as icons and to university professorships, we have transmitted the idea that terrorism is acceptable." That would be a real expression of "We're to blame," we including the speaker. The true use of "we."But of course they never say such things. It's always "We're all to blame, because of various things you and specifically not I are guilty of."Also note that Melissa Harris-Perry pushes the idea that "we" (by which she means "You") are "Otherizing" the terrorists -- conceiving them as entirely unlike you -- in order to reduce your own culpability for their actions.Apparently it never occurs to this supposed intellectual that that's precisely what she herself is doing.Read the whole thing.Update: "Report: Boston bomber confesses, cites US wars as motivation." The more things change...  class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2013/4/23/robert-redford-how-he-kept-his-radical-edge/ ]]>
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  • Three Days of the Captain
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    Ed Driscoll Captain America: The Winter Soldier is reviewed by John Podhoretz in the Weekly Standard:Captain America, newly freed from the block of ice in which he has been frozen since the end of the war, must now deal with his failure to rid the world of the Nazi threat. As one character asks him, “How does it feel to know you died for nothing?”That’s quite an interesting message for a superhero movie. Since coming into existence as a genre of its own with Superman in 1978, the comic-book movie has served as the successor to the classic Western—a moral pageant in which a classic white-hatted hero faces off against a black-hatted villain who has upset the moral order. The white hat sets things right and then rides off to do more good deeds.In the late 1940s, after a generation in which more westerns were made than any other kind of movie in Hollywood by a factor of two, directors and writers began to tire of the formula and looked to broaden it. They made villains out of characters who would have once been heroes, like Henry Fonda’s martinet officer in Fort Apache (1948). And they made heroes out of former villains, like the Indian warrior Cochise in Broken Arrow (1950).The superhero movie is Hollywood’s dominant fare. And now its makers—in this case, the gentlemen behind Marvel Studios, the Disney-owned behemoth—have had enough, in the same way that John Ford and Howard Hawks and other western-makers had had enough by the late 1940s. Those men incorporated liberal themes like tolerance and a more complex view of the uses of violence. In keeping with the more radical tenor of our times, Marvel Studios has bypassed that kind of mushy liberalism and gone straight to far-left radicalism.Meanwhile at National Review, Armond White notes that the film's title isn't likely a coincidence, given that "in today’s Hollywood the idea of an honest, uncomplicated fighting soldier is more foreign than a Prius:"This fact makes the latest installment of Marvel’s Captain America franchise oddly insincere and unconvincing. It vitiates that sometimes disingenuous phrase “I support the troops.” Instead, the film’s subtitle recalls the 1972 documentary Winter Soldier, in which Vietnam veterans repented their battlefield violence. Such disillusionment now infects even a comic-book franchise, so that the Captain America idea stops short of nationalist fervor. As Rogers takes his daily superhuman run around the basin of Washington, D.C., he introduces himself to another morning runner (and us) with the repeated look-out phrase “On your left . . .” Not a coincidence.Through modish reinvention, Captain America — a dated, sanctimonious brawler-innocent — represents the undeniable fantasy of a particular political perspective. Leaning to the left, he prevails over internal threats to U.S. security (in the form of a neo-Nazi underground called Hydra, whose members include a senator and a State Department honcho played by Robert Redford). Yet the motivation for his intrepidness isn’t deep; it lacks a certain conviction. The fanboy audience (including adults), which has more dedication to the comic-book genre than to the Selective Service, may cheer him on with hollow enthusiasm while falling for Hollywood’s imaginary patriotism. Ignoring the complexities of realpolitik, moviegoers respond to formulaic CGI action scenes as if saluting the flag.Whenever I hear the words "Winter Soldier," I immediately think of the 2004-era Website that illustrated the radical timeline of John Kerry in the 1970s; and to add to the '70s paranoia atmosphere of the film, Robert Redford, matinee idol turned star of such paranoid '70s potboilers such as Three Days of the Condor and All the President's Men has a supporting role.Which also reflects Podhoretz's take that the superhero movie has become "Hollywood’s dominant fare" in much the same way that westerns were in the 1940s and '50s. Marvel gets a name that adds cache on the film poster; Redford gets a pop culture boost in the wintery twilight of his own career. It's a well-timed one to boot, after The Company You Keep, his disastrous brush with radical chic last year, which in the same sort of macabre synchronicity that Bill Ayers could appreciate, promoted the Pentagon-bombing Weathermen just in time to coincide with the Boston Marathon bombing Tsarnaev brothers.By the way, the question asked of the Captain regarding his service in World War II, “How does it feel to know you died for nothing?” also seems like yet another attempt by Hollywood to reduce World War II down to meaningless nihilism.Which seems a particularly odd and depressing turn for the Hollywood superhero genre.For a more positive take on Captain America: The Winter Soldier, check out the latest edition of PJTVs Trifecta, with my friends Steve Green, Bill Whittle, and Scott Ott: var dataLayer = window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; dataLayer.push({ 'videoName': 'Trifecta Goes to the Movies: Libertarian Themes Hit the Screen in Captain America & Divergent', 'videoType': 'Original' }); class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2014/4/12/three-days-of-the-captain/ ]]>
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  • Two Redfords in One
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    Ed Driscoll Past performance is no guarantee of future results:"I think that no matter what you would propose they would go against it because their determination was to destroy this person," Redford said of the "minority faction" in Washington versus President Obama."Well, I think whatever idea I would have had to make things work just wouldn't have been accepted by this minority faction," Redford responded when asked by CNN's Nischelle Turner for his "advice" for Democrats and Republicans to work together. "They wanted, if it meant destroying the government, anything to keep him [Obama] from succeeding."— Robert Redford today on CNN.George Stephanopoulos was so enthusiastic towards Robert Redford and his sympathetic new film about an ex-1960s radical that the actor enthused, “You ought to get on the marketing team!” The aging actor/director appeared on Tuesday’s Good Morning America and endorsed the violent actions of protest groups. Reminiscing on his own past, the liberal Hollywood star recounted, “When I was younger, I was very much aware of the movement. I was more than sympathetic, I was probably empathetic because I believed it was time for a change.”RAfter Stephanopoulos wondered, “Even when you read about bombings,” Redford responded, “All of it. I knew that it was extreme and I guess movements have to be extreme to some degree.— Robert Redford in April, promoting his recent pro-terrorism film The Company You Keep, with ex-Bill Clinton aide George Stephanopoulos on Good Morning America.Robert Redford was in Havana last month, not to score cigars but to screen his The Motorcycle Diaries for Cuban President Fidel Castro. The Motorcycle Diaries, which Redford produced, is based on the diaries Guevara wrote on a nine-month motorcycle trip through South America in 1952. Directed by Brazilian Walter Salles, it stars Gael Garcia Bernal (who moviegoers will remember from Y Tu Mama Tambien).Guevara's widow, Aleida March, attended the screening along with Guevara's son and two daughters. The movie had its premiere at the Sundance Film Festival in January, where it received a standing ovation.— The Baltimore Sun, March 7, 2004. class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2013/10/16/two-redfords-in-one-2/ ]]>
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  • When Revolution was in the Air: A Fine Movie about the 60's New Left
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    Ron Radosh [jwplayer config="pjm_lifestyle" mediaid="41775"]“There was music in the cafés at nightAnd revolution in the air"- Bob Dylan, “Tangled Up in Blue”Finally, a movie has arrived that treats the story of the New Left honestly and in a realistic, mature manner. That film is not Robert Redford’s dreadful The Company You Keep, a paean to the Weather Underground, but the movie by the French director Olivier Assayas, Something in the Air. It takes place in various European locales in the summer of 1971, when the hopes of the European revolutionaries were shattered after the failure of 1968 to lead to revolution. Assayas’ film covers an assorted group of European New Leftists and some American tourist counterparts as they attempt to both get on with their lives and, for some, to keep alive their crushed hopes in a period of ideological and political retreat.Assayas, who made the quintessential and powerful biographical movie Carlos about Carlos the Jackal, the Left’s most well-known '70s and 80’s terrorist, now turns his attention in particular to the plight of the young graduating high school student Gilles, played by Clement Metayer, and his new girlfriend, Christine, played by Lola Creton. Each takes different paths. Gilles is guilt ridden over his desire to become an artist and study painting instead of serving the revolution, while Christine, plagued with guilt over her bourgeois existence, opts instead to live with an older man in a revolutionary collective and to devote herself to the task of organizing the proletariat in France and Italy. (All she does, we learn, is shop, cook and clean for the male comrades, as well as provide sex.)The power of Assayas’ movie is that it takes place in real time, instead of flashbacks and narrative based in the present, as aging radicals try to come to terms with their past. We see these young people facing the options in front of them, each deciding which way to turn, as they experience the pulls to go one way and the warning signs that they had better think twice before acting on their impulses.[jwplayer config="pjm_lifestyle" mediaid="41774"] class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/ronradosh/2013/5/19/when-revolution-was-in-the-air-a-fine-movie-about-the-60s-new-left/ previous Page 1 of 4 next   ]]>
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  • Your Money: Redford's Glorified Murderers, or Hero Who Stopped Them?
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    PJ Media Bill Ayers, cofounder of the terrorist group Weatherman, was hosted by Minnesota State University as a “scholar-in-residence” last month. (I reported on this, as well as on his appearance at the Association for Teacher Educators conference at the Hyatt Regency Hotel in downtown Atlanta.) For an ex-terrorist, Bill Ayers has had a comfortable career, and is enjoying an enviable retirement from his position as “Distinguished Professor of Education” at the University of Illinois at Chicago -- a few years ago, his base salary was $126,000.He apparently has no money worries, and now fills his hours doing the things he loves -- radicalizing teachers and students. Certainly, a life much less risky than that of a rioter or bomb-thrower, activities that Ayers participated in during his younger days, while hoping that the “red army” would come marching in amidst the chaos, as he wrote in Fugitive Days.Like one of his heroes, Che Guevara, Ayers likes to boss people around. As much as he talks about “love” and “cooperation,” Bill Ayers likes to order subordinates, especially when it comes to dangerous things. His goal has been -- and still is -- to aid a communist revolution in the United States. Back then, Ayers discussed these plans with fellow Weathermen, deciding that the Southwest would provide a good location for “re-education camps.” And the resistors who refused to go along: Ayers and his comrades agreed that an estimated 25 million Americans would have to be “eliminated.”We know this about Ayers because the heroic Larry Grathwohl recorded this statement in a 1982 video (here).Grathwohl became a Weatherman informant in 1969 after having fought for his country in Vietnam. Grathwohl described his experiences with Ayers and other Weatherman comrades in his 1976 memoir Bringing Down America, long out of print.Thanks to the tireless efforts of writer and crime blogger Tina Trent, Grathwohl’s book is being reissued, just in time for the release of Robert Redford’s depraved film glorification of the terror group, The Company You Keep.Grathwohl’s book is a can’t-put-down insider’s story revealing the truth about the Weathermen. Hollywood is instead publicizing the romanticized version, a revisionist history with Bill Ayers portrayed as an idealistic peace protester.Grathwohl knew Ayers. Ayers’s official title in the Weatherman was -- no surprise -- “National Education Secretary.” Grathwohl witnessed Ayers giving orders to blow up the Detroit Police Officers Association building. When Grathwohl warned that the bomb would also kill customers -- most of them black -- in the adjacent Red Barn restaurant, Ayers replied:We can’t protect all the innocent people in the world. Some will get killed.Grathwohl also wrote:He glared at me for questioning his authority.Grathwohl saved many lives when he tipped off the police about Ayers’ planned bombing, lives of little importance to Redford’s narrative.Ayers not only enjoyed giving orders for murder, but also liked to order the personal lives of Weathermen. In a reversal to the creed of “smashing monogamy,” Ayers gave the okay to monogamous Weatherman relationships, “as long as it doesn’t take precedence over the movement.” Writes Grathwohl:Ayers enjoyed delivering these dicta to his subjects. He paced around the room emphasizing certain points by throwing his fist into the air in the power salute.In 1970, San Francisco Police Sergeant Brian McDonnell died from a bomb thought to have been planted by Weatherman. McDonnell suffered for two days from the bomb, with inch-long industrial fence staples that severed his jugular vein and lodged in his brain.The 44-year-old police sergeant left behind two children.Ayers and wife Bernardine Dohrn were targets of the 2003 federal grand jury investigation into the case, which is still open. class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/blog/your-money-redfords-glorified-murderers-or-hero-who-stopped-them/ previous Page 1 of 2 next   ]]>
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  • 'The Bloody Company Hollywood Keeps'
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    Ed Driscoll var dataLayer = window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; dataLayer.push({ 'videoName': '', 'videoType': 'Curated' }); That's the title of Michelle Malkin’s latest syndicated column, on Robert Redford's public embrace of Bill Ayers and his sclerotic radical chic politics -- and the pretzel logic of the Hollywood executives who must now talk up his new film:Bleeding-heart liberal Robert Redford is already the subject of early Oscar buzz. His much-hyped new film glamorizing the lives of Weather Underground domestic terrorists, “The Company You Keep,” will be released in the U.S. next week. But peace-loving moviegoers should save their money and take a stand.Hollywood’s romanticizing of murderous radicals is an affront to decency. Redford and Company’s rose-colored hagiography of bloodstained killers defiles the memory of all those victimized by leftwing militants on American soil.Tinseltown cheerleaders can’t stop gushing about Redford’s paean to gun-toting progressives, of course. Variety called the flick an “unabashedly heartfelt but competent tribute to 1960s idealism.” The entertainment daily effused: “There is something undeniably compelling, perhaps even romantic, about America’s ’60s radicals and the compromises they did or didn’t make.” One of the film executives promoting the Weather Underground movie slavered: “This is an edge-of-your-seat thriller about real Americans who stood for their beliefs, thinking they were patriots and defending their country’s ideals against their government.”Shades of Oliver Stone defending another group that attacked the Pentagon, the 9/11 hijackers, in October of 2001. (Incidentally, September 11th, 2001 was the date the New York Times published their own infamous encomium to Bill Ayers, in a case of morbid synchronicity.)Earlier: Two Redfords In One, from this past week, in which we spot Redford lionizing Ayers, and concurrently distancing himself from his legendary 1976 role as Bob Woodward.(Originally posted this morning at Instapundit; a big thank you to both the Professor for allowing me to sit in, and to his stellar group of co-bloggers this past week.) class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/eddriscoll/2013/3/31/the-bloody-company-hollywood-keeps/ ]]>
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  • Weather Women in Academia: Terror Teachers
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)
    PJ Media In 1969, Weatherwomen Kathy Boudin and Eleanor Raskin collaborated on a book of legal advice for radical activists: The Bust Book: What To Do Till the Lawyer Comes. The answer, per their actions, was different: don’t let the police catch you in the first place.Not long after the book’s release, the two women went into hiding and participated in the Weather Underground’s most bloody affairs. This included the bomb-making escapade that ended in the deaths of three of their colleagues in Greenwich Village (but thankfully not the hundreds of murders they were plotting), and, for Boudin, the Brinks armored car heist in 1981 that took the lives of two police officers and a security guard.Eleanor Raskin was not charged in the Brinks massacre. But in one of the many stories that former members of the Weather Underground prefer not to discuss, police captured Raskin and her husband Jeff Jones in New York City just three days after the attack. At the time, Raskin and Jones had been on the run for more than a decade. Coincidence? Not likely.Fast-forward to today. These former Weather Underground terrorists now share another distinction: they are both professors at law schools in New York State.Raskin teaches at Albany Law School. Boudin is closer to the scene of their crimes: she has just been appointed Sheinberg Scholar in Residence at NYU Law School. Along with Bernardine Dohrn at Northwestern University School of Law, Kathleen Cleaver at Emory Law School, and Angela Davis’ “prison-industrial complex” activism as professor emeritus at UC Santa Cruz, nearly all the currently free women of the terrorist Left have entered the academic legal profession.Having an ex-Weatherwoman in the law faculty lounge is an exciting academic accessory; having a former Black Panther is even better, and both are appealing enough to forego the usual tedious vetting of credentials.Boudin is not even a lawyer.Kathleen Cleaver has no real academic credentials, only a scattering of outdated agitprop with titles such as “Mobilizing for Mumia Abu Jamal in Paris,” and “The Antidemocratic Power of Whiteness.”Clearly: even the competent among these criminals were hired because they are unrepentant terrorists. This is the one credential that matters. The candidate must have held a gun to someone’s head in a bank “expropriation,” or firebombed a policeman’s car or a judge’s house; second, they must be unrepentant.The career trajectories of former Weathermen track heavily on this second point: those who regret their violent pasts have not thrived in academia.What’s the point of hiring a terrorist if they want to wash the greasepaint off? Mark Rudd learned this lesson in recent years: He made the mistake of sounding mildly regretful about setting bombs in the 2003 documentary film Weather Underground, and he has been backpedaling wildly ever since. The more he denounces his former denunciation of violence, the shinier his academic star glows. class="pages"> https://pjmedia.com/blog/weather-women-in-academia-terror-teachers/ previous Page 1 of 2 next   ]]>
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Debbie Schlussel1
The New York Post



(Reviewers' Site/Bio)

  • Wknd Box Office: Star Trek Into Darkness, The Iceman, Erased, The Company You Keep
    Blog Posts Movie Reviews The Iceman“: I hated this movie. It’s cold, pointless killing-porn. It’s supposed to be the story of real-life mob hitman Richard Kuklinski (Michael Shannon), who died in federal prison, where he was sent for life, after getting caught. I like a good mob movie. This wasn’t one. It had no story, unless you count a guy killing people and sawing them up into pieces–in a very graphic way–a story. I don’t. I didn’t exactly enjoy the brutal killings up close, such as the murder of an innocent homeless man on a dare. Famous shoplifter Winona Ryder plays Kuklinski’s naive wife, who does not really know he’s a hitman for a living (nor do their two young daughters). But it’s not like we haven’t seen that in a million mob and gangster movies. There’s nothing new or novel here. In fact, it’s so hackneyed and retreaded that Ray Liotta is cast in the novel role of mobster. FOUR MARXES ]]>
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Counter Currents Staff1
Counter Currents Publishing



(Reviewers' Site/Bio)

⚠️ EDGY 🔥 CONTENT 🔥 WARNING 🔥 (NSFW?) ⚠️

🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻🔻


  • Sisters of Salome: Femmes Fatales, Left & Right
    (”The Company You Keep” is briefly mentioned in this.)

    [1]5,113 words

    Left/Right dichotomies in the representation of female militants in the movies The Baader Meinhof Complex (2008) and A Student named Alexander (2011).

    ‘Although typically villainous, or at least morally ambiguous, and always associated with a sense of mystification and unease, femme fatales have also appeared as heroines in some stories . . .’

    — Mary Ann Doane

    From the Levantine Lilith to the Celtic Morgan Le Fay, and from Theda Bara’s vamp in Hollywood’s A Fool There Was to Eva Green in Sin City: A Dame to Kill For, the notion of the fille d’Eve tantalizes us. In sociological terms the notion of diabolic women is potent with misogyny, witchcraft and the negative aspects of anima, how woman appears to man, from the Jungian viewpoint. To take the cinematic angle, licentious dames mean box office receipts, plain and simple. Roger Vadim’s And God Created Woman (1957), starring starlet Brigitte Bardot and Jean-Jacques Beineix’s Betty Blue (1986) with Beatrice Dalle being just two cases that prove the point.

    Stereotypes range from enchantress to succubus, haunting our consciousness in different guises, such as the spectral Cathy from Emily Brontë’s classic Wuthering Heights (1847) or the more malign character of Rebecca in Daphne du Maurier’s 1938 book of the same name. As Charles Baudelaire (1821-67) (1), Once mused, ‘The strange thing about woman — her pre-ordained fate — is that she is simultaneously the sin and the Hell that punishes it’. Indeed, a whole academic industry has grown up deconstructing such iconography with writers like Toni Bentley’s Sisters of Salome (2002); Bram Dijkstra’s Idols of Perversity: Fantasies of Feminine Evil in Fin-de-Siècle Culture (1986); and Elizabeth K. Mix’s Evil by Design: The Creation and Marketing of the Femme Fatale in 19th-Century France (2006) leading the way.

    Baudelaire’s own magnum opus Les Fleurs du Mal (1857) epitomizes the dichotomy perfectly. The schizophrenia embodied in his poetic creations, Jean Duval (Black Venus) and Apollonie Sabatier (White Venus), both mirroring and reinforcing some male fantasies about women’s sexuality in the closing decades of the nineteenth century. The dialectics of Serpent Culture and Snake Charmer sensuality, so beautifully carved in Auguste Clesinger’s (2) writhing milk white statue Woman Bitten by a Snake (1847), a representation of Apollonie Sabatier currently on display in the Musée d’Orsay, raises the question, is she squirming in agony or riding a paroxysm of pleasure from the venomous bite?

     

    Moving beyond the arts, literature and film to the political milieu? What evidence do we have for Femme Fatale’s within the Left/Right dichotomy? There is certainly a colorful cast of charismatic characters to choose from: Inessa Armand, Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin, Jiang Quing, Bernardine Dohrn, and Angela Davis to name but a few on the left-side. Unity Mitford, Savitri Devi, Alessandra Mussolini, Beate Zschape, Yevgenia Khasis, and Marine Le Pen, as examples from the right side of the aisle.

    It is my intention to dismiss empathetic documentaries like Confrontation Paris, 68, The Weather Underground (2002) and hatchet-job investigative journalism like Turning Point’s Inside the Hate Conspiracy (1995) about America’s The Order without further comment. Instead arguing that there are few, if any, historically accurate, unbiased and insightful fictional or factional celluloid representations of female (or for that matter male) political militants in circulation. Instead, what we are served up are predictable stereo-types and clichéd cartoonesque parodies, completely aligned with the liberal left Euro-68 ethos, wherein, a mélange of well-meaning but misguided (and always attractive) socialist idealists try to change society for the better, juxtaposed with psychopathic rightist harridans, or male sexual inadequates, portrayed as vacuous outsiders, decidedly uncool and devoid of social capital.

    Indicative examples of the genre being, from the left: The Lost Honour of Katharina Blum (1975), The Underground (1976), Running on Empty (1988), What to Do in Case of Fire (2002), Baader (2002), The Dreamers (2004), Guerilla — The Taking of Patty Hearst (2005), Regular Lovers (2005), Mesrine: Killer Instinct (2008), Che (2008), The Baader Meinhof Complex (2008), The Company You Keep (2012) and Something in the Air (2013). As opposed to the more objectionable characterizations of rightists in productions like The Day of the Jackal (1973), The Odessa File (1974), The Boys from Brazil (1978), Betrayed (1988), Siege at Ruby Ridge (1996), Brotherhood of Murder (1999), and A Student named Alexander (2011).

    For the sake of argument I have been deliberately selective and will focus specifically on Uli Edels’s Baader Meinhof Complex and Enzo De Camillis’s fifteen minute short A Student named Alexander. Risking the approbation of cultural commentators by possibly extrapolating too general a hypothesis from too limited a sample, I nevertheless press my case, that the content, reaction and intent of both these films exemplify the paradox of Left/Right caricatures in the entertainment media.

    Recipient of 6.5 million euros from various film boards and Golden Globe and Oscar nominee in the Best Foreign Film category, The Baader Meinhof Complex, rode the wave of resurgent seventies retro, a movie filled with baby boomer nostalgia for the late sixties and early seventies. Simpler times, when idealism meant Sartre, anti-Vietnam protest, Che Guevara posters, and smoking pot in bedsits listing to the sitar music of Ravi Shankar.

    The movies all-star cast includes Martina Gedeck as Ulrike Meinhof, Moritz Bleibtreu as Andreas Baader, Johanna Wokalek as Gudrun Ensslin, and Alexandra Maria Lara as Petra Schelm. All of whom had already or were soon to appear in mainstream feature films like: The Lives of Others, Run Lola Run, The Good Shepherd, Pope Joan, North Face, Control, and Downfall.

    The action begins with the 1967 Schah-Besuch mass street protest in Berlin against the Shah of Iran. Mohamed Reza Pahlavi’s supporters are depicted launching an unprovoked attack on the anti-Pahlavi elements, resulting in running battles and the shooting of Benno Ohnesorg in Krumme Strasse 66, by what appears to be a reactionary police officer, Karl-Heinz Kurras, but who was in reality a card-carrying member of the Communist Party acting as an undercover operative for the East German Stasi.

    We are then treated to scenes where Maoist students hold packed meetings, intercut with footage of American warplanes strafing and bombing Vietnamese peasants. Rapidly followed by ‘Red’ Rudi Dutschke (3) of 2nd June Movement fame (named after the aforementioned riot) raising his clenched fist, the Messianic leader of the Gramscian ‘Long March through the Institutions’.

    Dutschke is elevated to intellectual martyr status when he is mercilessly gunned down in the street by Josef Bachmann, portrayed by actor Tom Schilling, whose cinematic appearance is clearly meant to conjure images of a Hitler Youth or a die-hard Werewolf with a chronic nervous disposition. Which is ironic given that the Baader Meinhof gang and the various later incarnations of the Red Army Faction relied so heavily on a group linked to Heidelberg University, the Sozialistisches Patientiv Kollektiv (Socialist Patient Collective), an organization that sought to convince neurotics and the insane that they were not wrong, it was the system that was wrong, and social revolution was the cure.

    ‘Shooting is like fucking,’ screams Baader as Bernd Eichinger’s screenplay and Rainer Klausman’s hypnotic lens combine to present a seductive and fast paced cine-orgasm of free love, role model women for Second Wave feminism, cool people smoking cigarettes in coffee shops debating Marxist dialectics, driving around in BMWs, burning department stores, shooting up road signs, Robin Hood bank robbers sunning themselves topless in PLO training camps, liberating captives in a back glow of exploding gelignite and the swashbuckling rat-a-tat of 9mm shells.

    Even the capture of Baader, Ensslin, and Meinhof for their egregious crimes are contextually ambiguous. Baader, in a scene more reminiscent of the end of Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid (1969) than the original television footage of his stand-off with police; Meinhof, kicking and screaming in outrage, rather than the deflated, depressed, and played-out fantasist she was; and Ensslin, by pure chance, when a shop assistant notices a gun in her handbag. Another martyr is then injected into the story as Holger Meins (4) is depicted à la Bobby Sands (5), going on hunger strike and the subsequent trial in Stammheim (6), more Monty Python farce than a serious attempt to enact justice.

    One is left in doubt as to where the audience’s sympathy is meant to lie. Especially, with our ever heroic protagonists making fun of the trial judges and gaining increasing support from those in attendance with their witty quips and stunning mind-games. Even the movie’s ending perpetuates the on-going myth that the ‘night of death’ was not triggered by the failure of the Mogadishu hijack (7) to negotiate their release but was in fact a pre-arranged multiple state murder made to look like simultaneous suicide. The movie culminates in a defiant cadre of young stern faced acolytes holding a graveside vigil, determined eyes set on continuing the struggle.

    As a consequence, Christina Gerhardt writing in the Film Quarterly describes the movie thus: ‘During its 150 minutes, the film achieves action film momentum, bombs exploding, bullets spraying and glass shattering’. While Christopher Hitchens commenting in Vanity Fair refers to the movie’s ‘Uneasy relationship between sexuality and cruelty . . . an almost neurotic need to oppose authority’. A theme implied by Michael Bubach, son of Siegfried Bubach, the former Chief Federal prosecutor assassinated by the Red Army Faction in 1977, whose summation of the feature pointed to the fact that the film ‘concentrates almost exclusively on portraying the perpetrators, which carries the danger that the viewer will identify too strongly with the protagonists’.

    Examples of how this claim can be justified are so numerous that they would prove tedious to list. However, two personifications, beyond the central characters, stand out in particular, the first involving a chase sequence where Petra Schelm, portrayed by the beautiful Alexandra Maria Lara, is cornered and dies defiantly in a shoot-out with a horde of drone-like cops. The second is the murderous Brigitte Mohnhaupt, depicted by the stunning Naja Uhl, who is shown bedding Peter-Jurgen Boock, played by the teenage heart-throb actor Vinzenz Kiefer, before cold bloodedly slaughtering Siegried Bubach in his own home, organizing the ‘hit’ on Jurgen Ponto, Chairman of the Dresdner Bank of Directors, and the kidnap and murder of Hanns Martin Schleyer. Mohnhaupt, the leader of the second generation of the urban guerillas, was also implicated in the 1981 attempt to kill NATO General Frederick Kroesen with an RPG-7 anti-tank missile. In fact, just the sort of unrepentant femme fatale we meet in her polar opposite, the rightist Francesca Mambro in A Student Named Alexander, but who is treated in the diametrically opposite way.

    In Enzo De Camillis’s 15-minute, silver ribbon-winning short, shown at the Roma Film Fest and lauded for its journalistic quality, the much-maligned Mambro is portrayed by Valentina Carnelutti (8), who at least partially resembles Mambro. De Camillis, a blood relative of the Alexander in question, (so no conflict of interest there?) indicated his intent in making the movie was to ‘show young people what they do not know, to reflect on a period of history that should not be repeated’. So, following a showing at The House of Cinema to an audience of impressionable students, a discussion is initiated, moderated by Santo Della Volpe (9), who declares at the outset, that ‘The goal of the short is not to re-open old wounds or discussions on the years of lead (10), but to bring to light the issue of the victims that are set aside, of which we no longer speak’.

    Really? Well, that is somewhat convenient given the long list of crimes committed by the Italian Brigate Rosse during the period in question. The most notorious being the ambush at Via Fani on the 16th March 1978 and the kidnap and murder of the President of the Christian Democrats, Aldo Moro. But it should also be remembered, especially given the context of De Camillis’s film, that the Left also killed activists from the right wing Italian Social Movement (MSI) and the University National Action group, like Miki Mantakas, murdered in Via Ottaviano in Rome in 1975, and Stephan and Virgilio Mattei, the sons of the MSI party District Secretary for Prati.

    It is also a disingenuous claim given the vociferous presence of the Association of Families of victims of the massacre at Bologna train station of 2nd August 1980, whose demands echo down the decades through documentaries and dramas. The latter being the main event used to demonize Mambro and her then lover, now husband, Valerio Fioravanti (11). Although, they have long denied involvement in the Bologna attack, though freely admitting, like their Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari (Armed Revolutionary Nuclei) NAR accomplices to other political killings, such as, the assassination of Judge Vittorio Occorsio (12) in 1976 and Magistrate Mario Amato (13) in 1980.

    Fioravanti maintains that the bombing was the work of Libya, but the Italian government were reluctant to pursue that line of enquiry because of the state’s dependence on Libya’s oil and blamed neo-fascists instead. Mambro and Fioravanti also confessed to planning an attack on the then Prime Minister Francesco Cossiga (14), so one can hardly accuse them of hiding their intentions. When the initial 16 year prison term for Mambro was converted into house arrest in 1998, the Bologna Association’s President Paolo Bolognesi, described Mambro’s parole as ‘A disgrace. It is outrageous that this parole was granted to a terrorist who does not have the requirements, who was sentenced and has never expressed any feelings of detachment from her past’. This, despite the fact that the NAR, never claimed responsibility for the incident and there is substantive cause to believe that the Mafia Banda della Magliana gang (15) and prominent politician Licio Gelli’s (16) secretive Masonic Propaganda Due (P2) Lodge (17) linked to the NATO’s Cold-War Operation Gladio architecture (18) had a hand in the incident.

    The prosecution’s main witness against Mambro’s partner Fioravanti, Massimo Sparti, of the banda della Magliana, was even contradicted by his own son. ‘My father has lied about his part in the Bologna history’, he declared. Similarly the sinister presence of German terrorists Thomas Kram and Margot Frohlich, closely linked to both the PLO and Carlos the Jackal, who were in Bologna that very same day was never properly investigated. Coincidences like this and the possible link to the Ustica Massacre (19), when Aerolinea Itavia flight 870 was brought down by a missile, gave President Francesco Cossiga pause for thought, leading him to state on the 15th March 1991 that he felt the attribution of the Bologna Massacre to fascist activists may be based on misinformation supplied by the security services.

    Returning to A Student named Alexander, unlike The Baader Meinhof Complex, the detail is nearly entirely on the victim, showing his cluttered bedroom, his journey by car to the art school in Piazza Risorgimento. No context is provided as to why Mambro and the NAR are robbing the Banca Nazionale on the 5th March 1982. Neither is reference made to the murder of her fellow MSI activists Franco Bigonzetti and Francesco Ciavatta, gunned down in the Acca Larentia by Left extremists, the Armed Squads for Contropotere Territorial, despite the fact that this led Mambro and her cohort to confront both their political opponents and the police in three days of shootings, stabbings and torching cars across Prenestino:

    ‘A few of us knew what this meant. Francesco Ciavatta was in our small circle. Our immediate reaction was shock, as if a relative had died. We looked at each other not knowing what to do. All around the city young militants flocked to us. The Italian Social Movement did not react. Kids like us were being used to keep order at meetings of Giorgi Almirante (20) , ready to take the blows and hit back . . . Acca Larentia marked the final break with the MSI . . . It could no longer be our home. For three days we shot at police and this marked the point of no return . . .’

    — Francesca Mambro

    Even, the circumstances of Alexander’s death are disputed. The movie depicts Mambro standing over the boy, firing into his head execution style, apparently mistaking him and his small umbrella for an armed plain clothes policeman. The counter argument is that he was killed in cross-fire as the NAR broke out of a police encirclement. A shoot out in which Mambro did not have in her possession the gun that was identified as the murder weapon and was herself very seriously wounded in the abdomen. She later recalls, hiding out in a garage, where a young doctor visits her and confirms ‘that it is only a matter of time . . . saying I could die . . .’

    A discussion followed as to whether or not her compatriots should kill her there and then because she may talk under anesthetic but instead the NAR cell, led by Giorgio Vale (21), who went on later to found Terza Posizione (22), deposited her on the roadside outside an Emergency room.

    When Mambro’s Rome based lawyer Amber Giovene challenged the authenticity of the way Mambro is depicted in the movie, claiming it ‘harmed her image’ she was met with a barrage of criticism. The case, overseen by prosecutor Barbara Sargent, was opened three months after the film opened and came like a bolt from the blue to the self-righteous director and the cultural association School of Arts and Entertainment. People in Bologna were whipped up into a state of frenzy, signing a petition in support of the film, which had already received a letter of commendation from the President of the Republic, Giorgio Napolitano. Expressions like censorship and statements like ‘You cannot stop a cultural work, you cannot stop history’, were bandied around with the usual air of moral indignation.

    The 2013 Appeal notes relating to the accusation of defamation of Mambro’s character read: due to the benefit of the law, Francesca Mambro, who has never repented of her criminal and terrorist past, nor as ever wanted to work together to build the truth about serious events like the Bologna Massacre, will remain free. The request for the seizure of the short film is extremely serious because it sets a precedent on the freedom of cultural expression, journalism and news, and also because it opens the door to dangerous revisions and attempts to wipe clean historical memory’. The account continues: ‘A country without memory will never understand the present or the future’.

    The double standards and contradictions exemplified in the differing responses to A Student Called Alexander and The Baader Meinhof Complex cannot be more stark. Memorialization of such actions are to be glamorized and mythologized if of the Left and censored and misrepresented if of the Right. The word revision is of itself loaded, implying an attempt to challenge supposedly known historical facts and is a term usually reserved for historians deviating from the legend of the Jewish Holocaust. Indeed, it seems that anything that transgresses the Left’s self-serving narrative is to be expunged, cast down the Orwellian memory hole, or twisted beyond all recognition.

    Roberto Natale, the auteur of such movie classics as Kill Baby Kill and Terror Creatures from the Grave, also reiterated before his recent demise, that ‘there is a right and duty to tell. Art strengthens the record and citizens need to know. We journalists are on the side of those who stubbornly continue to speak against the custom in our country to silence uncomfortable voices, instead of being willing to speak. This short film has to circulate and be seen in schools, but not only in Rome’.

    So, is the movie meant to educate or perpetuate the questionable conviction of Mambro for that specific crime? Be re-assured De Camillis states: ‘I tell you a story, I do not give you a political speech. I want to get out of games of this type. The short film I made for a number of reasons that I think are important. It is a warning to our politicians. Right now, if you do not listen to the needs of young people, you risk terrorism, perhaps we have already. We remember the riots in San Giovanni in Rome in October (23), the bullets that came in envelopes and the letter bombs’.

    Then specifically commenting on the release of Francesca Mambro, but of course not being invested in any way, De Camillis adds:

    I will not even enter into legal issues because one relies on the judgment of the judiciary already formulated in 1985. But a citizen reflecting on the penalties imposed on others for far less serious offenses fully expatiated are still in prison. Mambro was guilty of 97 murders and was sentenced to nine life sentences. Yet, she walks outside, lives 400 meters from my house, and I may happen across her path by accident. There is a whisper that this story has resurfaced because of my family bonding and friendship with Alexander . . . Who was Alexander Caravillani? He was a boy of 17, he ran with the times, had a girlfriend, and harbored all the fantasies of a 17-year-old. He was not political, nor left or right. He passed in front of the bank, was simply crossing the street, going to school when he was shot, his short umbrella tumbling from his jacket, leading Mambro to believe he was a plain clothes policeman. Then she came back and put a bullet in his head. For that, she was sentenced to life imprisonment.

    This is a story, he insists once again, to preserve the history of the years of lead.

    And if that is indeed the case, why not tell the story of one of the murdered MSI Youth Front members, Sergio Ramelli, 18; Francesco Cechin, 19; and Paolo Di Nella, 20, contemporaries of Alexander Caravillani and Mambro, who met their deaths by beating, shooting, and stabbings from Leftist brigands like the Autonomus Workers in the late ’70s and early ’80s? But of course, that will never happen. It does fit their agenda.

    On February 11th 2012, De Camillis in direct contradiction to his supposed non-political stance is quoted, ‘Today, the city of Rome is right’, referring to the ‘post fascist’ Mayor Gianni Alemanno (24), MSI Youth Front veteran and graduate of Campo Hobbit (25), who was elected in April 2008 to the sound of Fascist-era songs and shouts of ‘Duce’. ‘Who are those who have called me to present the short film?’ asked Camillis, ‘They are Alemanno’s allies, Berlusconi’s Il Popolo della Liberta (26) . . . When it all came out I was in silence and I decided to just promote it, as I always do. But in the face of this attack, I mean to defend it at all costs. It is a ‘cultural action’ like opposition to gagging journalists. This is a way to silence not only the news but also the authorship of the image’.

    There is clearly no intention of admitting even the possibility of bias or inaccuracy. De Camillis and his people are intent on staking their claim to the moral high ground. The following day, Mambro’s lawyer responded: ‘I write in the name and on behalf of the my client Francesca Mambro about the article published yesterday . . . I understand the presentation of the short film flatters the author. But I do not understand the claim that Mambro came back and shot him in the head. I do not know if Mr. De Camillis’s draws from insider sources? Caravillani, unfortunately died in the firefight because a bouncing bullet caused his immediate death. A bullet from an assault rifle that Mambro had never had in her possession, either as she entered the bank or as the NAR shot their way out. The scene is constructed in a way that will definitively condemn Mambro’. When Caravillani was struck, the judges concluded, it was because the young man, after he had run, suddenly found himself in the trajectory of shots fired between the various agents . . . Unfortunately, even the trailers of the short graphically depict Mambro in the disputed manner, astride a guy lying on the ground, shooting the coup de grace . . . I am sure, that in the name of the need to preserve the memory of the years of lead, both you and the newspaper for which he writes would give an account of this correction’. My personal advice is not to hold your breath for a retraction. Smear and distortion is their modus operandi.

    Sentenced, for the killing of 9 individuals between May 1980 and March 1982, and the alleged involvement in the massacre of the Bologna bombing on August 2, 1980, Mambro served 16 years in prison. Sometimes sharing a cell with Anna Laura Braghetti (27), of the Brigate Rosse, then after 1998 home detention until the 16th September 2008 when she was granted parole on the basis of ‘repeated and tireless dedication to reconciliation and peace with the victims’ families (28). Parole was ended on September 16th 2013 when the sentence was disposed of . . .’

    So to end has I began with a quote from a French man of letters, Alexandre Dumas (29), author of The Three Musketeers, ‘she is purely animal; she is the babooness of the Land of Nod; she is the female of Cain: Slay her!’ Or at least besmirch her reputation and disparage her cause so that no one will want to emulate her.

    Notes

    1. Along with Edgar Allan Poe, Baudelaire identified counter-Enlightenment philosopher Joseph de Maistre as his maître à penser and adopted aristocratic views. He argued ‘There are but three things worthy of respect: the priest, the warrior and the poet. To know, to kill and to create . . .’

    2. Auguste Clesinger (1814-1883), French sculptor who created Bacchante, the Infant Hercules Strangling Snakes, Nereid, and Sappho, was an Officier de la Legion d’honneur.

    3. Rudi Dutschke (1940-1979), disciple of Rosa Luxemburg and critical Marxist, survived Josef Bachmann’s attack, but drowned as a consequence of having an epileptic fit in the bath.

    4. Holger Meins, seized with Baader and Jan Carle-Raspe on the June 1, 1972, went on a hunger strike, dying a mere 39 kilograms in weight. He is a central character in the movie Moses und Aron by Jean-Marie Straub and Daniele Huillet (1974). Followed by a documentary about Meins called Starbuck — Holger Meins by Gerd Conradt (2002).

    5. Bobby Sands (1954-81), a member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), died whilst on hunger strike in HM Maze Prison. During the course of his protest he was elected to the British Parliament as an Anti-H Block candidate. He has been depicted in various films including Some Mother’s Son (1996) and Hunger (2008) and is celebrated in songs like Christy Moore’s The People’s Own MP’.

    6. Stammheim is a high security prison in Stuttgart.

    7. Four militants of the Commando Martyr Halime hijacked Lufthansa flight 181 on the 13th October 1977. The plane was stormed in Somalia by GSG-9 elite counter-terrorism units in an operation code-named Feuerzauber (Fire Magic).

    8. Valentina Carnelutti was trained at the Theatre Active in Rome and the Mime Theatre Movement. She has also appeared in the movies Martina Singapore (1995), Ridley Scott’s Hannibal (2001) and The Best of Youth (2003).

    9. Santo Della Volpe is a professional journalist who covered the first Gulf War and is a managing editor on Italy’s TG3.

    10. The term “Years of Lead” was used to describe the socio-political turmoil in Italy between the 1960s to the 1980s. It is thought that the reference originated from a movie called Marianne and Julianne by Margarethe Von Trotta. The Italian title was Anni di Piombo, literally years of lead. A later linked feature called The German Sisters (1981) became a classic of new German cinema, sympathetic to Gudrun Ensslin and dedicated to women’s civil rights.

    11. Born in 1958, Giuseppe Valerio ‘Giusva’ Fioravanti, was a former child actor, who became a leader in the NAR and has been romantically linked with Mambro since 1979. While serving his prison sentence he made a documentary on Rome’s Rebibbia prison, Piccoli Ergastoli, Little Life Sentences (1997).

    12. Occorsio Vittorio (1929-1976) oversaw the trial of those indicted for the Piazza Fontana bombing.

    13. Maria Amato was an Italian magistrate assassinated by NAR member Gilberto Cavallini in 1980.

    14. Francesco Cossiga, Italy’s 42nd Prime Minister and 8th President between 1985-1992.

    15. The Banda della Magliana was a criminal network operating out of Lazio, named after the district from where most of their leaders originated. Their activities included the murder of the banker Roberto Calvi, the kidnapping of Emanuela Orlandi and the attack on John-Paul II.

    16. Licio Gelli, an Italian financier, heavily involved in the Banco Ambrosiano scandal and the venerable master of the P2 Lodge.

    17. The Propaganda Due (P2) Lodge was under the jurisdiction of the Grand Orient of Italy implicated in numerous crimes and mysteries, often referred to as a ‘state within the state’.

    18. Operation Gladio was the code-name for NATO’s ‘stay behind’ activity should the Warsaw Pact mount an invasion of western Europe. The name Gladio came from the word gladius, a type of short Roman sword.

    19. The Ustica Massacre is still a subject of some controversy. Whether or not a French naval aircraft brought the plane down with a missile, or a bomb was set off in the toilet as evidenced by forensic experts, it is known that the Libyan leader Colonel Gadaffi was in the same airspace at the time. Linking the Ustica and Bologna incidents became common in some conspiracy circles.

    20. Giorgio Almirante (1914-1988) studied under Giovanni Gentile, the eminent pro-Fascist philosopher, and wrote for the Rome-based Fascist journal Il Tevere. He once described Julius Evola as ‘Our Marcuse, only better’. Almirante was suspected of safe-housing Carlo Cicuttini, an MSI leader in the Monfalcone area and later a member of the Ordine Nuovo, a suspect convicted in absentia for his part in the Peteano di Sagrado killings. Almirante and his rival Pino Rauti often clashed bitterly on the tactics and methodology used by the Italian Right.

    21. Giorgi Vale was killed in a shoot-out with police.

    22. The Terza Posizione emerged from the national student’s movement under Roberto Nistri, who was imprisoned from 1982 to the early 2000s.

    23. The San Giovanni Riots of the 15th October were violent street protests by Black Bloc Left extremists.

    24. Gianni Alemanno was born in Bari in 1958. He is a former secretary of the MSI’s Youth Wing, who entered the Chamber of Deputies representing Lazio, serving as Rome’s 63rd Mayor between 2008-2013 and a Minister of Agriculture under Silvio Berlusconi. He is married to Isabella Rauti, the daughter of Pino Rauti.

    25. Campo Hobbit was named after Catholic writer J. R. R. Tolkien’s first novel. It was an alternative cultural and musical ‘happening’ linked to Elemire Zolla who wrote The Arcana of Power 1960-2000. Held in various locations, the first in Montesarchio, it boasted its own Manifesto and became a ‘field school’ for the Italian New Right and thinkers like Pino Rauti and Marco Tarchi.

    26. Berlusconi’s Il Poplo della Liberta was closely aligned with Gianfranco Fini’s conservative National Alliance and Umberto Bossi’s Lega Nord.

    27. Anna Laura Braghetti owned the apartment where Aldo Moro was imprisoned. She is also the subject of her own book Prisoner which influenced Marco Bellocchio’s film Good Morning, Night (2003).

    28. Mambro currently works for the Italian NGO Hands off Cain, an association campaigning against the death penalty linked to the Libertarian Radical Party.

    29. Alexandre Dumas (1802-1870). It was said of Dumas, that his ‘tongue was like a windmill — once set in motion, you never knew when it would stop, especially if the theme was himself’ — Watts Phillips, English illustrator, playwright and novelist.

     

    ...
    (Review Source)

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